SUDAN IN THE NEWS WEEKLY REPORT: June 3-10 - What You Need to Know About Sudan.
You may have seen social media users and celebrities raise awareness for Sudan. Here is what you need to know. This article will explain:
1. What happened, 2. The problems, and 3. The suggested solutions.
1. What happened?
I. #SudanMassacre
Multiple sources (June 3) reported that heavily armed Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitaries – which is part of Sudan’s ruling transitional military council (TMC) - killed peaceful Sudanese protesters participating in the sit-in outside of the Sudanese Ministry of Defence headquarters.
The death toll is rising - On June 5, multiple sources reported that 40 bodies were recovered from the river Nile. By June 10, the death toll reportedly reached 118.
The RSF are attacking anybody who leaves their home. (New York Times, June 9).
The internet remains blocked, with global awareness raised via hashtags such as #SudanUprising and #IamTheSudanRevolution (Independent, June 10).
II. What happened next?
The military council’s excuse for the massacre was that they were chasing “criminals” who ran into the protest area (AP, June 3).
Multiple sources (June 4) reported that the Sudanese transitional military council (TMC) called for elections within 9 months. Bloomberg (June 6) note that the military’s plan to force pre-mature elections are “meant to buy time to consolidate power and slacken the pro-democracy movement.”
Sudanese protest leaders rejected the military’s schedule for elections (June 4, Reuters), and refused to resume negotiations with the military until the killing stops (multiple sources, June 5).
III. #SudanCivilDisobedience
Protest leaders called for a civil disobedience (general strike), which millions of Sudanese joined (multiple sources, 9 June).
The TMC fired bullets and tear gas to disperse protesters setting up barricades as part of the strike (multiple sources, June 9).
AFP (June 10) reported that security forces killed 4 people on the first day of the strike.
“Hardening their stance,” the military announced that the RSF and the military beefed up their across Sudan, and continued to blame the protesters for their escalation, saying that “[the protesters crossed the line of peaceful practices…and have become a major liability for the country and the people’s security.” (AP, June 10).
IV. International reactions
The UK, the UN and the US immediately condemned the massacre.
The African Union suspended Sudan by June 6 (multiple sources).
Russia and China blocked UN action on the massacre (AFP, June 5), with Russia saying that the Sudanese military must subdue “extremists” (multiple sources, June 6).
Saudi Arabia said it was “concerned” by the developments (Reuters, June 5), with the UAE saying that it supports an investigation (Reuters, June 7). Both countries have been blamed for the massacre (see problem #3).
2. What are the problems?
Problem #1: RSF
The RSF is a “merciless, unpredictable force” integrated into the armed forces in 2013 as a paramilitary group, with most of their fighters “very young, battle-hardened men drawn from different militias across the country.” (Financial Times, June 9).
Amnesty International (June 5) attributed the massacre to the RSF - “which killed, raped and tortured thousands in Darfur” - bringing its “murderous rampage to Khartoum.”
Nesrine Malik (Guardian, June 4) noted that the RSF was created by former president Omar Al Bashir, as “an entire parallel security infrastructure outside the army.”
Al Bashir bolstered the RSF, so that it counterbalances other elements of the Sudanese security apparatus, such as the intelligence services and the regular army, in order to protect himself against a coup. (Crisis Group, June 7).
Problem #2: Himedti
The RSF are led by Himedti, the vice-president of Sudan’s ruling military council, and “probably the most powerful man in Sudan.” (BBC, June 5).
Roland Oliphant (Telegraph, June 8) argues that the brutality of Himedti - the “suspected architect and main beneficiary of the [massacre]” - combines “ruthless” mercenary opportunism…and an “uncanny ability to sense where political and military winds are blowing,” with the massacre reflecting his power ambitions.
Himedti “[leaves] a trail of human rights abuse allegations from Darfur in his wake,” having mobilised clansmen to fight in Darfur in 2003, before being appointed RSF commander in 2013. (BBC, June 5).
Western diplomats told AFP (June 6) that “although he’s not educated, he [is] extremely street-smart,” in an article that attributes Himedti’s increased power to the RSF’s deployment to the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen.
This causes suspicions that Saudi Arabia and the UAE played a part in the massacre.
Problem #3: Saudi-Emirati support for the military
Simon Tisdall (Guardian, June 3) argued that the massacre may reflect Saudi, Emirati and Egyptian intentions to influence Sudan’s future.
Nesrine Mailk (Guardian, June 4) noted that the massacre shortly followed Himedti and TMC leader Abdulfattah Al Burhan’s visits to Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE, suggesting that the 3 countries “at least blessed” the massacre, if not ordered it.
Declan Walsh (New York Times, June 9) noted that Himedti and the RSF have been “lavished” by Saudi and Emirati money, weapons and advice, in an article that drew attention to Saudi and Emirati cargo planes bearing military equipment landing at Khartoum airport in recent weeks.
Robert Fisk (The Independent, June 10) raised Saudi-Emirati motivations for crushing the Sudanese revolution: citing Saudi tendencies to resolve political problems by “cruel death,” reflected in the “slaughter” in Yemen (and the Sudanese military involvement in it), the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, and Saudi-Emirati support for Abdulfattah Al Sisi’s military coup in Egypt.
Problem #4: US inaction
Foreign Policy (June 6) reported that US officials are unhappy over Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s dominant role in Sudan, but their “hands are tied,” complaining that the Trump administration has “no solid strategy…beyond condemning violence,” and “wasn’t convening enough regular meetings [on Sudan] to coordinate between agencies.”
Thus, David Pilling (Financial Times, June 5) argues that the “US has lost moral authority as a democratic champion,” leaving “the odds are stacked against [Sudanese protesters].” Pilling asks “can a [peaceful] uprising ever topple a regime with guns?”
Problem #5: Potential civil war
Sudanese misery may be compounded by a potential civil war, if elements of Sudan’s armed forces begin competing for power (Financial Times, June 9). Senior Sudanese protest leader Dr Mudawi Ibrahim told Sky News (June 5) that the regular Sudanese army - “especially young officers” - is going to revolt against the RSF.
Thus, the Crisis Group (June 7) argue that Sudan’s military junta “offers no clear foundation for a political regime,” noting that Himedti is distrusted by many Sudanese army offers.
3. Solutions suggested
Solution #1: Conditioning financial aid on civilian government
Sudan was, and remains, a designated state-sponsor of terrorism under Al Bashir, leaving it subject to sanctions. The editors of the Guardian (June 3) and the Washington Post (June 6) called for Sudanese access to aid and re-integration into the international community to be conditioned on the formation of a civilian government.
Bloomberg’s editors (June 6) also called for sanctions, as well as suggesting that the US and Europe assist Sudanese civilians by helping to coordinate internationally monitored elections, in which the military “should be offered leniency in any post-election reckoning of their behaviour,” if they “peacefully” hand-over power.
However, Nesrine Malik (Guardian, June 4), a consistent critic of sanctions-as-a-solution for Sudan, argues that Sudan has been “hobbled” by years of sanctions and isolation.
Solution #2: Independent Investigation
Human Rights Watch (June 7) called for an African Union commission of inquiry and a UN investigation, with the UN human rights office (June 7) urging Sudanese authorities to cooperate in the deployment of a UN monitoring mission. The Guardian (June 9) re-iterated the calls for an independent inquiry.
Solution #3: Punishing the TMC
Amnesty International (June 4) and the Crisis Group (June 7) suggest targeted sanctions on the Sudanese military, calling for asset freezes and travel bans.
Amnesty International (June 6) called for the RSF to be “immediately withdrawn from Khartoum,” as well as for the internet to be unblocked.
Solution #4: US action – to pressure Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE
To avert a civil war, the Crisis Group (June 7) urged the US to pressure the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt to use their leverage on the RSF to make them retreat.
Eli Lake (Bloomberg, June 6) calls for US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to meet with Sudanese protest leaders, and for Pompeo to threaten banning arms sales to Saudi Arabia unless they stop supporting the TMC.
The Guardian (June 9) called on the Saudi-UAE-Egypt axis to “rein in their vicious charges…before more bodies come floating down the Nile.”
Meanwhile, Cameron Hudson (Foreign Policy, June 6) re-iterated his calls for a US special envoy to be attached to Khartoum, to provide funding and technical support for the Sudanese democratic protest leaders.
Solution #5: Raise awareness
While most articles that presented solutions raised the need to raise awareness about Sudan, this was most strongly emphasised by Paula Akpan (The Independent, June 10), who compared the dismay and uproar over Notre Dame, to argue that “it would appear that architecture holds more value than the lives of Sudanese civilians.”
Akpan concludes: “it is our duty to raise awareness and continue sharing information as widely as possible, especially as this state-imposed internet blackout aims to stifle, suppress and silence the Sudanese people.”
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Sudan In The News is a civil society organisation that aims to raise awareness about Sudan, and to stimulate informed discussion about Sudan’s future. You can find us on Twitter: @SudanInTheNews. Follow us for the latest news and insight alerts related to Sudan.
We engage with various stakeholders who can strengthen Sudan’s democratic culture, including: activists, journalists, citizens, diaspora, researchers and political observers - ensuring that they are up-to date with events and perceptions about Sudan.